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BRAINWAVES REPORT BW/011
ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES TO THE GOSPELS
THE ALTERNATIVE TO Q
The modern counter to Q orthodoxy began
with Farrer (1955), who held that the non-Markan passages which are common
to Luke and Matthew are to be explained not by shared dependence on Q but
simply by Luke's use of Matthew. Q therefore fails by Occam's Razor, the
principle that 'entities are not to be multiplied beyond what is
necessary.' This has been the bone of contention ever since. Farrer's lead
has since been followed by such as Goulder, Goodacre and Wenham.
Against it is the very different order of
Matthaean material when it appears in Luke. Whereas Luke has clearly been
working through Mark from beginning to end, his use of Matthew is far more
jumbled. As a general principle, identity of order is considered strong
evidence of a literary relationship between two documents, as
against, say, oral tradition. So Luke's apparently haphazard use of
material found in Matthew could be seen as evidence that he was not working
from Matthew's text. To this can be replied that while Luke was working
from a physical copy of Mark in front of him, his use of Matthew was from
memory; so considerations of order are irrelevant.
(Incidentally, for Luke to have worked from
two source scrolls while writing on a third, as the Q hypothesis maintains,
in an age when there was no writing desk, would have been well nigh
impossible. Consider handling three rolls of wallpaper at once!)
Verse by verse comparisons using parallel
synopses prove little. See Parker (1997) who points out that in many
cases we do not have a good enough text to be sure of any unique original:
there has been too much assimilation between one gospel and another in the
interim. And the variation in readings within a single gospel can often be
greater than that between parallel readings of the same passage in different
gospels. These documents have a history which cannot be swept aside.
On the other hand a very strong case for
the priority of Mark can be made in terms of pericope order, and here
the modern consensus is likely to be right.
THE CHALLENGE TO FORM CRITICISM
There is today the beginnings of a revolt
against the form-critical paradigm of gospel formation which has held sway
for decades. Not least, form criticism behaves as though gospel sections
and sayings - pericopae - somehow evolved and were passed on orally in a
vacuum, without identifiable people to pass them on, owing their
shape to the communities whose needs they were supposed to serve. A strong
challenge to this is posed by Richard Bauckham (2006), who like Earle Ellis
(1999) sees the rounded, modular form which pericopae seem to have assumed
by the time they were first recorded as the result of frequent repetition
by the eyewitness apostolic circle in the very earliest years of the
Church.
In addition, the reigning paradigm
postulates with form criticism a long gap between the resurrection and the
writing of the first gospels. So Mark is commonly dated just before or not
long after the fall of Jerusalem in 70. This would be after the deaths of
both Peter and Paul in Rome under Nero in c.67, and so at least 35
years after the crucifixion on 3 April 33. Q is then postulated (without a
shred of historical support) to fill the gap. Matthew, Luke and John are
then supposed to follow at ten year intervals (again, without any historical
evidence beyond judgements of such things as the tone of Jesus' diatribes
against the Pharisees, which are supposed to indicate a time when the Church
and rabbinic Judaism were falling apart). Such dates are more comfortable
for those who import an a priori and wholly unhistorical belief that Jesus
could not have prophesied the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the
Temple. They also suggest that plenty of forgetting and distortion could
have crept in during the intervening forty year gap. So if we want to find
the 'historical Jesus', we have to embark on a quest for Him as we certainly
won't find more than a few traces in the gospels!
All this runs wholly counter to the
powerful and unanimous witness of the early Church that Mark wrote from Rome
which he first visited with Peter in the reign of Claudius (41-54). Since
Claudius expelled 'the Jews' (whether all or just the prominent ones; see
Acts 18:2) in 49/50, and both Peter and Mark appear to have been elsewhere
in 46-49 (eg in Jerusalem Acts 12:25 (46) and 15:6 (Council of Jerusalem,
late 48)), we can with Edmundson and his successors (Robinson (1976),
qualified, and Wenham (1992)) place Mark's Gospel with some confidence c.45.
Equally, there are passages in Matthew (27:8 and perhaps 28:15) which
indicate that Jerusalem was still standing when they were penned. And as I
have argued elsewhere, the complete failure of all three synopticists to
distinguish Jesus' prophecy of the fall of Jerusalem from that of the end
times is strong evidence that by the time of writing neither had occurred.
Equally, from Hemer (1989), Moberly (1993) and many others there is an
overwhelming case that Acts, which postdates Luke, was completed very soon
after it ends in 62. This brackets all the synoptics between 45 and 62.
This interval of just twelve years between the crucifixion and the penning
of the first narrative gospel - less than the lifetime of the internet to
date - removes the entire platform upon which form critcism rests. So if
you are looking for the authentic Jesus of Nazareth, you will find him first
of all in the Gospel of Mark and those which followed it. A similar
conclusion may be drawn from C.S. Lewis' literary-critical assault on
Bultmann and his colleagues in his masterful posthumous essay, 'Fern-seed
and Elephants' in the book of that name (1975); also from Sherwin-White's
discussion of historiographic method in (1963, 186-93).
Thus we disagree entirely with the near
unanimous view of the commentators who hold that Paul was writing his
epistles long before Mark wrote his Gospel; or indeed that Mark did not
write until Paul was actually dead. Certainly that is not what most of us
would have concluded if we had in front of us Mark's breathless,
rough-and-ready narrative on the one hand, and the sophistication of Paul's
theology on the other. Equally, it follows from the conventional view that
not one of the thousands of Christian martyrs who perished in the Neronian
persecutions of 64-5 onwards had ever seen a gospel page or heard one
preached from. Why did they bother?
Further, the model of Streeter's and
others, according to which the gospels originated in four basically isolated
communities with little contact between, is vitiated by the brilliant
communications system which held together the Roman Empire. Consider the
rapid traffic up and down the Egnatian Way across the north of Greece which
is presupposed by Phil 2:19-30 and 4:14-19; the long list of Paul's personal
friends in Rom 16:3-16 at a time when Paul had never even been to Rome; and
the frequent movements between churches of Priscilla and Aquila: from Rome
to Corinth (49-50, Acts 18:2); domiciled in Ephesus (52, Acts 18:26) still
in Ephesus (55, 1 Cor 15:19); back in Rome (57; Romans 16:3); and finally in
Ephesus again (66, 2 Tim 4:19). This would seem to undermine Streeter's
conclusion that Matthew's Gospel originated in Antioch, for which he
produces no historical evidence.
RELATIONSHIP OF JOHN TO THE SYNOPTICS
The early Church historian Eusebius tells
us that
(1) John had access to the Gospels of
Matthew, Mark and Luke. He endorsed them 'but said there was only lacking
to the narrative the account of what was done by Christ at first and at the
beginning of his narrative.' (Ecclesiastical History III.xxix.7).
(2) He taught that Mark wrote 'accurately
but not however in order' (akribos ... ou mentoi taxei) (EH
III.xxxix.15).
So John wrote in part to correct some false
impressions given by Mark and his two successors. This accounts for many of
the differences between John and the Synoptics. John was not writing from
scratch. He assumed his readers would be familiar with his predecessors,
and therefore does not go out of his way to repeat their stories (an
exception is the feeding of the five thousand and the walking on the water
in chapter 6, which serves as representative of Jesus' Galilean ministry).
Instead he deliberately concentrates on areas where he sees the Markan
account as deficient.
Two areas stand out. First, the start of
Jesus' ministry. Mark has Jesus bursting into Galilee, almost out of
nowhere, preaching the good news, on the arrest of the Baptist (1:14). The
same event in John (4:44-5) actually follows a highly successful preliminary
mission to Jerusalem and Judaea of which Mark knows nothing. John's comment
'Now Jesus himself had pointed out that a prophet has no honour in his own
country' (4:44 cf. Mk 6:4) is in my judgement an implicit criticism of
Mark. Had Jesus actually begun His public ministry in Galilee - that is,
His own home territory - as Mark would have it, He would have risked
rejection and aborting his mission altogether. Instead, Jesus first makes
His name in the south, returning home in triumph to Galilee as the 'local
boy made good.'
Next, Mark, who we are expressly told (EH
III.xxxix.15) had not himself followed Jesus, had in John's view a limited
understanding of the chronological sequence of Jesus' ministry. This is
hardly surprising given the Early Fathers' belief that Mark was recording
the preaching of Peter in Rome. Peter will have spoken about individual
episodes rather than sequentially. So it is left to John, who as an apostle
had accompanied Jesus throughout His ministry, to supply the chronological
skeleton, which he does by regularly identifying the feasts which Jesus
attended in Jerusalem. Mark knows only of one visit by Jesus to Jerusalem,
the final one which ended with His death and resurrection. So all the
Jerusalem material about which Peter preached he crammed in there. On one
point, as I see it (following Robinson(1984)), John corrects Mark: the
cleansing of the Temple which Mark places at the start of Passion Week
(11:12-19) but which John (2:12-22) reassigns to Jesus' initial mission of
which Mark is unaware.
Lastly, the alleged discrepancy between
John and the Synoptics over the day of the crucifixion seems to me to vanish
if we assume that Jesus celebrated the Passover a day early, on Thursday
evening. All accounts agree that He was crucified on the Friday, the Day of
Preparation for the Passover, which itself fell that year (33) on the
Sabbath.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barnett, Paul (2005) The Birth of
Christianity: The First Twenty Years, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Useful
but diluted by his unsupported insistence on a forty year gap between Jesus
and Mark.
Bauckham, Richard (2006) Jesus and the
Eyewitnesses: The Gospels as Eyewitness Testimony, Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans. A powerful alternative to the dogmas of form criticism which
concentrates instead on the individuals concerned, by a top-ranking
Cambridge professor.
Drury, John (1976) Tradition and Design
in Luke's Gospel, London: Darton, Longman and Todd. How Luke edited
Matthew and Mark but not Q.
Edmundson, G. (1913) The Church in Rome
in the First Century: An Examination of Various Controverted
Questions Relating to its History, Chronology, Literature and Traditions,
Bampton Lectures, London: Longmans, Green and Co. A brilliant but largely
unrecognised model of the historical approach to the New Testament, even if
now in need of an update. It includes the original case for dating Mark to
45.
Ellis, E. Earle (1999) The Making of the
New Testament Documents, Leiden: Brill. Probably the best single volume
NT introduction.
Farrer, A.M. (1955) 'On Dispensing with Q',
in Nineham, D.E. (1955), 55-88. Reproduced by Mark Goodacre (05/11/02)
[online]. Available from http://www.ntgateway.com/Q/farrer.htm. Foundation
of the modern case against Q, still unrefuted after much debate.
Hemer, Colin J. (1989) The Book of Acts
in the Setting of Hellenistic History (Gempf, Conrad H., ed.) Tübingen:
J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck). The definitive account.
Lewis, C.S. (1975) Fern-seed and
Elephants and other essays on Christianity, Glasgow, Fontana.
Posthumous. The final essay offers a brilliant critique of modern gospel
criticism by one who as a professor of English Literature was both a
prominent literary critic and an author.
Moberly, Robert B. (1993) 'When was Acts
Planned and Shaped?', Evangelical Quarterly 65:1, 5-26. Answer: 62
or 63.
Nineham, D.E. (ed.) (1955) Studies in
the Gospels: Essays in Memory of R.H. Lightfoot, Oxford: Blackwell.
Original location of Farrer (1955).
Ogg, George (1940) The Chronology of the
Public Ministry of Jesus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Unsurpassed.
Ogg, George (1968) The Chronology of the
Life of Paul, London: Epworth. Unsurpassed.
Ogg, G. (1980) 'Chronology of the New
Testament', in Douglas et. al. (1980), The Illustrated Bible Dictionary,
3 Parts, London: Inter-Varsity Press, I.277-83. Probably the easiest place
to find his views today.
Parker, D.C. (1997) The Living Text of
the Gospels, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Best introduction
to the textual criticism of the gospels.
Petrie, Stewart (1959) '"Q" is Only What
You Make it', NovT 3, 28-33. Lighthearted but devastating.
Reicke, Bo (1968) The New Testament Era:
The World of the Bible from 500 B.C. to A.D. 100, London: Black, ET
(Green, David E.) of Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, Berlin:
Töpelmann (1964). Good solid historical background.
Robinson, John A.T. (1976) Redating the
New Testament, London: SCM Press. Rediscovers Edmundson. Famously -
and mostly credibly - dates the entire NT before 70. A milestone.
Robinson, John A.T. (1984) '"His witness is
true": A test of the Johannine claim', in Bammel and Moule (1984), 453-76.
The historical worth of John.
Sherwin-White, A.N. (1963) Roman Society
and Roman Law in the New Testament, The Sarum Lectures 1960-1961,
Oxford: Clarendon Press. Critique of the methodology of form criticism by a
top ranking Oxford Professor of Roman History.
Steinmueller, John E. (1943) A Companion
to Scripture Studies, Vol. III, Special Introduction to the New
Testament, New York: Wagner. Excellent source for references from the
Early Fathers coupled with a balanced, conservative discussion of the
issues. Very Roman Catholic.
Vermes, Geza (1983) Jesus the Jew:
A Historian's Reading of the Gospels, 2nd edition, London: SCM Press.
Jesus through the eyes of an eminent and sympathetic Jewish scholar.
Wenham, John (1992) Redating Matthew,
Mark and Luke, Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity Press. Follows in
the historical tradition of Edmundson and Robinson. (Proposes
Matthew-Mark-Luke, no Q).
© Martin Mosse,
November 2008.
This paper summarises many of the arguments in Martin Mosse, The
Three Gospels: New Testament History Introduced by the Synoptic Problem
(Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007).
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